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Preservings No. 40 (2020)

Hopes and Dreams on the Railways: Mennonites in Mexico

Patricia Islas Salinas & María Miriam Lozano Muñoz

Translated by Abigail Carl-Klassen

The story of Mennonites as an ethno-religious minority group in Mexico began 8 March 1922 when they decided to migrate from Canada to Mexico. From the moment they arrived, children who were born in Mexico obtained birthright citizenship; however, upon their arrival, the Mennonites decided not to allow their members to integrate into the dominant Mestizo community, as they believed that their customs and beliefs would be affected.

In order to protect their identity, they remained isolated from the dominant community, not just geographically, but also ideologically. In this way, their dress, language, customs, and beliefs were passed from generation to generation, creating a group with a deeply rooted cultural identity that can be observed to this day in Cuauhtémoc, Chihuahua, Mexico. In the nearly one hundred years since their arrival, many generations have been born and raised in this multi-cultural region that has experienced joy and great achievements as well as suffering setbacks and hardships.

Today their lifestyle is shaped by precepts and convictions that have their origin in the beginning of their religious movement, which later became an ethno-cultural group. The community of Mennonites in Mexico has its own characteristics that make it special and unique in the world. In the case of traditional (or conservative) communities, members conserve their customs (lifestyle and original dress), language (the majority of women, children, and the elderly only speak Plautdietschor Low German) and their primary activity is subsistence agriculture. In the case of liberal Mennonites, many of them can speak at least three languages – Spanish, English, and German – in addition to Plautdietsch, their dress is modern, and their economic activities are related to commerce, agrobusiness, and large-scale agriculture.

Mennonites wait at the station in Hague, Saskatchewan, to board the trains that would take them to Mexico. (MHSS 894-23-6)

This article discusses the journey of Mennonite migrants from Canada to Mexico through testimonies collected through oral history. Additional testimonies collected from two books published by the State of Chihuahua and translations (German to Spanish) of the personal diaries of the first Mennonite minister in Cuauhtémoc, Isaak Dyck, were used in this research.

Through our analysis of these collected materials, we argue that the train is a social space that allowed for the negotiation of spaces by Mennonites who created meaning and symbolic representations of themselves through their migration. In this way, they not only brought their building materials, their animals, and their food on these train cars, but also their hopes and dreams and the possibility for a promising future.

The Journey

During their history, Mennonites developed a close relationship with railways as trains became an important mode of transportation to travel from one country to another. In this article, only the exodus from Canada to Mexico will be discussed. Railways were the most important bridge of communication between the Mennonites’ isolated communities and the cities which provided the necessary tools and materials for their agricultural work and daily life. Paradoxically, it was the railways that caused the communities to leave their isolation, facilitating commercial and economic relationships.1

The train – its cars and rails – constituted an important part in the story of the Mennonites. Not only did this mode of transportation allow Mennonites to make a new beginning and preserve themselves as a group, but the rail cars were also transformed into a social space that created layers of meaning between travelers. Togetherness fostered unity and camaraderie between travelers. The train cars had become their homes; the mothers cooked and cared for the children, the fathers made relationships and plans for their arrival, and the children laughed and played in the aisles. This was how a network of social relationships was created between families, touched by pain, fear, laughter, and hope. Social theorists would argue that the prominence of the journey in Mennonites’ collective memory indicates the significance of this experience to the group.2

The Ältester (bishop) Isaak M. Dyck described the journey from Canada to Mexico in a published memoir. His narrative reveals the emotions experienced by the migrating group, including the collective pain of leaving home. Yet emigration was also an expression of faith, and as Dyck relates, “One night before their departure, the community gathered to have a service and put themselves in the hands of God.”3

Before Mennonites migrated to Mexico, they sent a delegation to inspect the land. This photograph is from that trip. (MAID: MHA 592-42.0)

On the day of the departure, many friends and acquaintances met at the train station to say goodbye to those who were leaving. Families were separated, friends were left behind, and the security of food and shelter was abandoned in defense of their way of life. As Dyck remembered, “We left quiet and calm without much talking, saying a prayer for the journey, looking back at how our dear Manitoba disappeared along with the property we had left unsold.”4

When the train crossed the border with the United States, it gained speed. The first night very few people could sleep, because of the goodbyes that still weighed on their hearts. The hours passed and the deafening sound of the train running on the tracks and the speed that it reached made the women and children cry in anguish, as they were afraid for their lives. As Dyck recounted: “When we went to talk to the conductor to tell him he should not go so fast because he could cause an accident that would end throwing us and the animals out on the tracks, he answered that the train was not our responsibility and that there was a bet between the railway companies in the United States to see which would have the honor and victory of getting us to Mexico in the shortest time. The only thing left was to pray that we arrived ok.”5

The Arrival

The migrants arrived at the border with Mexico four days after their departure. They experienced fear and uncertainty as they observed Mexican people, “with their dark faces,” surrounding the train. Hundreds of curious people drew close to observe the Mennonites who looked so different from themselves. “Before the train departed, twenty soldiers got on, armed to the teeth, and walked amongst us. It was customary in Mexico for them to patrol the train to avoid attacks, but at first, we were very afraid. Women and children looked at the soldiers terrorized, hiding their faces and crying, but they were friendly and we got used to the new company and we understood that they would take care of us.”6

Upon seeing the inhospitable landscape from the windows of the train, their hearts raced as they felt disillusioned and started to believe that the decision to travel to Mexico was an error. After one day and one night of travelling, they arrived in the capital of Chihuahua, where they had more encounters that increased their pain and worries. First, the railway men had divided the train into two parts, which worried the Mennonites. When they asked for an explanation, the railway men explained that from this point onward to San Antonio de los Arenales, there were tall hills and deep valleys and very long bridges and that it was impossible for a single locomotive to pull the entire train. They assigned the first cars to people and animals; household goods and cargo went in the other cars. Mennonites were now uncertain if they were going to be reunited with their belongings. As Dyck recalled, “We had been travelling for two hours when we found ourselves on enormous bridges surrounded by giant rocks that looked like they would fall on top of us. It was almost dawn, around six in the morning, when we arrived in a valley, our stop San Antonio de los Arenales, and though we were happy to have finished the difficult journey and we thanked God, for many of us, we could not recover the joy we had in Canada.”7

Mennonites were also disappointed with the landscape that they encountered upon their arrival. Only a couple of earthen houses and a shack that appeared to be a post office existed. They were uneasy as a Mexican woman collected their letters to family members in Canada and threw them together a wooden box. Despite their apprehension, they soon discovered that the letters arrived at their destination and that they could receive mail in an orderly and timely fashion.

Mexicans waiting to sell their wares to passengers disembarking the train. (MAID: MHA, 592-370)

The train cars needed to be unloaded within two days for their return trip to the United States and the Mennonites started their journey to the location they had been assigned (what is today Campo 7B), arriving at eleven o’clock at night. They were very tired and suffering tremendously from the terrible cold. While the train cars had heating, they had to sleep under a practically open sky in a tent that had very little protection against the icy night and the suffocating heat of the day.

A fortunate few had brought small metal stoves where the families gathered and heated coffee for breakfast. Although they had to eat on the ground, they enjoyed their meal and were thankful for the food. They felt close and an atmosphere of love and solidarity filled the camp despite the bad conditions. As Dyck remembered, “There were insects that caused many problems, like worms under the skin, mosquitos so small they couldn’t be seen that wouldn’t let us sleep and devoured us. We scratched until we hurt ourselves.”8

Mennonites settled in a valley surrounded by hills. Unfortunately, their expectations with respect to the weather were not met; they found that days were hot and nights were cold, in addition to the prevalence of large dust storms. This deluge of dust affected the health of families and smallpox appeared soon thereafter. Several people died and their animals also started to suffer and die after the feed that they had brought from Canada ran out, as there was no grazing land available because it had all been burned.

During their first six weeks, they wore the same clothes they had arrived in, lived in tents, and the children were sick with typhoid fever, in part because of the large dust storms that assaulted the countryside. In the face of sadness and physical pain, prayer served as an emotional life-saver. Finally, they were able to obtain wood to build their houses and shelter themselves from the weather. “Under all the tents, there were sick children that needed to be attended to. Many times we could not distinguish between the moans and cries of the children and the sound of the wind storms that battered our hearts. In our worry, we couldn’t control anything. Only He who controls the winds and the storms could, with a petition from his disciples, calm the children until everything quieted down.”9

Preserving Memories

The following testimonies describe the experiences of Mennonites during their time on the train and how these experiences influenced the travelers as a group. Their analysis reveals the importance of preserving stories across generations. Before passing away, grandparents gave their descendants the gift of their lived experiences so that the memory of Mennonite identity could be preserved. In this way, some of the ancestors’ experiences remain, particularly how they travelled on the train in search of a new beginning.

For instance, Greta’s story recalled the hardships that occurred during the journey: “Greta Unrau, hurry up!” she heard her mother calling over the noise of the railway station. “I’m coming,” replied Greta, a 10-year-old girl, as she quickly boarded the train. Her parents and fourteen siblings were already inside, along with many others who were going to Mexico. Greta sat in the empty seat next to her older sister, Sara. The train whistle blew and the journey began. Greta spent her first ten years in Canada, but when a group of Mennonites decided to immigrate to Mexico, her parents decided to go with them. Now, here they were like family on the train that would take them to Mexico. There was no turning back. Greta was very agitated and wondered, “What will Mexico be like?”10

These testimonies also shed light on the feelings and emotions that marked the beginning of the journey. As one testimony recalled: “The winter of 1922 passed quickly and the first train to leave Canada for Mexico left 1 March from Plum Coulee. The day of goodbyes was suddenly upon us, the train was already loaded and the goodbyes caused many tears, saying goodbye to all the family members and friends, it wasn’t easy to leave their beloved country and birthplace, where one day they had their bed and now they were going to an unknown land and an unknown people to start over. On 1 March, when everything was ready for the departure, the signal was given and the train started to move very slowly, with much care, with its very heavy load.”11

Other stories focused on people’s feelings regarding food scarcity. As one Mennonite man shared: “My great-grandparents came to Mexico in 1923. They had fifteen children and one of them was my great-grandmother. She was five years old. A lot of other people came on the train. When they were already far into their journey to Mexico, some people’s food ran out. My great-grandmother, then a five-year-old little girl, gave some food to the other people.”12

Time and space are resources that groups need to build their cultural identity. The collective practices that are remembered create bonds between people that can be talked about as the years pass. This is the case with the following testimony about what occurred on one of the train cars: “What happened was that they were in the train in the back and were asleep and did not wake up until the train left. A little later, the cars in the back, where the children were, became unhitched. The children slept and slept. But suddenly, they woke up and saw where they were and asked why they weren’t moving forward and why they were alone in the car and the train was not moving. Soon, they realized that the train was no longer there. The children’s parents realized quickly that they were not there. They had to make a deal with the engineer. They asked the engineer if they could go back for their children and the engineers said that they would only go back if they were paid more money. The parents had to pay a lot of money so that they could go back and get their children.”13

Other stories focus on the work they did on the train and the surprising landscapes they passed through. As one person recounted: “They brought horses and cows, the train had to make stops so they could milk the cows. The train passed through high mountains that it almost couldn’t climb because of its heavy load. The Mennonites had never been to the mountains and were afraid because they believed that the mountains could fall on top of them. My great-grandparents were originally from Russia, then they came to live in Canada, and then from Canada to Mexico where they lived in Campo.”14

The following narrative expresses the same sentiment: “The journey was not easy because it went through very steep mountains. The locomotive could hardly climb the mountains. After a ten-day journey, on 10 January 1924, they saw Mexico. In those times there were only two buildings in Cuauhtémoc. Franz, who was six years old only went to one day of school in Canada. So they had to leave.”15

A photo, taken from one of the last train cars, of a steam engine pulling a long train as it rounded a bend near Chihuahua, Mexico, ca. 1923. (MAID: MHA, 592-23.0)

Mennonite testimonies also contextualize the journey, their arrival in San Antonio de los Arenales, and their first interactions with Mexicans. As they arrived in an unfamiliar location, not only in terms of geography but also language, they began the challenge of establishing their communities. One testimony recalled a family story about these early impressions of Mexico: “It was in February 1922 when my great-great grandparents came on the first train to Mexico. They had five children then, and one of them was my great-grandfather. He was nine years old. When they got off the train there were some Mexicans selling candy, and it was very important for my grandfather because that is where he learned his first word in Spanish. The Mexicans repeated, “dulces” (candy) and “chicle” (gum). At first, he didn’t know what they were saying, but little by little he understood them. Then, they hired some horses and carts to continue the journey. They had put a lot of effort into preparing for the big journey; later they arrived at a large prairie where there was a lot of grass. At the end of the day they had to pitch their tents so they didn’t have to sleep outdoors.”16

Reminiscence about those early years was even a topic of conversation between neighbours. As one Mennonite recalled: “This was a story that a neighbor told us, from his lived experiences, though he has since passed away. He said that when he was a child he got off the train after travelling for two weeks. They arrived in San Antonio de los Arenales. Soon after, the train stopped. This neighbor, his name was Abram Abrams and his parents left Canada to come to Mexico. When they got off the train there was a great crowd of people that looked like an ant hill. They ran from one side to another, because they didn’t know what to do first. Everything was so unfamiliar to them that they felt unsure and started to feel nostalgic for their country of origin. Abram’s father, like many of the others didn’t know the language. But the Mexicans talked to us through signs they made with their hands and feet to show they wanted to help us, and they pointed toward the west to show the path of the sun from the east. Though we didn’t understand much, we worked together.”17

Conclusion

Communities draw life from their shared lived experiences in the construction of their identity. This perspective is regenerative and life-giving for the oldest members to pave the way for the youth to continue on in the same spirit. For Mennonites, the primary means for the preservation of their identity is religion.

Currently, the population of Menno-nites in Mexico is approximately one hundred thousand people, with traditionalists comprising eighty per cent of the group. These Mennonites are closed off from globalization and try to avoid, when possible, their women and children having contact with the dominant population. In contrast, the liberal factions see economic and educative evolution as necessary for the preservation of their identity. They are interested in commercial relationships with the Mestizo community and even allow mixed marriages between the cultures. They only comprise twenty per cent of the Mennonite population of Cuauhtémoc.

Collective memory plays an important role in the Mennonite community in Mexico. The process of transmitting their history has generally been oral, which is to say, adults telling children what their parents and grandparents, in turn, told them. There are only a few people from within the community who wrote about the Mennonite migrations. The retrieval and recording of information with regard to the journey from Canada to Mexico is an important part of the historical work that contributes to the preservation of cultural identity.

Hermeneutical analysis shapes this ethnographic research because a people’s feelings can be interpreted from the stories they tell or write. This article recognizes the values transmitted from generation to generation, including religion, family, work, and unity, which served to form an identity that was then reinforced over the rails and the train cars that brought Mennonites to a life in Mexico filled with challenges, but also with satisfaction.

  1. Cornelius F. Klassen, “Canadian Pacific Railway Company,” Global Anabaptist Mennonite Encyclopedia Online [hereafter GAMEO] (1953), http://gameo.org/index.php?title=Canadian_Pacific_Railway_Company&oldid=141833, accessed 10 Feb. 2019. ↩︎
  2. J. C. A. Vázquez and M. A. P. Ariosa, “Tiempo, espacio e identidad social” [Time, Space and Social Identity], Alteridades [Otherness], 2 (1991): 31–41. ↩︎
  3. Isaak M. Dyck, Anfangs Jahre der Mennoniten in Mexiko. (Cuauhtémoc, Chihuahua: Imprenta Colonial, 1995). ↩︎
  4. Ibid. ↩︎
  5. Ibid. ↩︎
  6. Ibid. ↩︎
  7. Ibid. ↩︎
  8. Ibid. ↩︎
  9. Ibid. ↩︎
  10. Gobierno del Estado de Chihuahua, Soy Menonita, y esta es mi historia… [I’m Mennonite and This is my Story] (Ed. ICHICULT -Talleres gráficos del Estado de Chihuahua, México, 2012), 61. ↩︎
  11. A. Peters testimony, in Gobierno del Estado de Chihuahua, Crónicas y testimonios de la vida y migración Menonita a Chihuahua [Chronicles and testimonies of Mennonite Migration and Life in Chihuahua] (Ed. ICHICULT- Talleres Gráficos del Estado de Chihuahua. México, 2011), 34. ↩︎
  12. Gobierno del Estado de Chihuahua, Soy Menonita, y esta es mi historia. ↩︎
  13. Bergen testimony, in Gobierno del Estado de Chihuahua, Soy Menonita, y esta es mi historia…, 135. ↩︎
  14. A. Thiessen testimony, in Gobierno del Estado de Chihuahua, Crónicas y testimonios de la vida y migración Menonita a Chihuahua, 20. ↩︎
  15. A. Neufeld testimony, in Gobierno del Estado de Chihuahua, Soy Menonita, y esta es mi historia…, 147. ↩︎
  16. N. Klassen testimony, in Gobierno del Estado de Chihuahua, Crónicas y testimonios de la vida y migración Menonita a Chihuahua, 18. ↩︎
  17. E. Harder testimony, in Gobierno del Estado de Chihuahua, Crónicas y testimonios de la vida y migración Menonita a Chihuahua, 16. ↩︎

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